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Although the outcome of the General Election still hung in the balance at the time of going to press, there can be no doubt that 2005 is a landmark year in terms of the political parties' use of direct marketing techniques.

"The era of the one-size-fits-all campaign is over," declared Labour general secretary Matt Carter last year. "Our strategy is now focused on the individualised, personalised, targeted campaign."

This new approach kicked off with a direct mail campaign in October targeting one million voters in marginal seats across the UK.

The Conservative Party also set its sights on a core group of two million voters in 165 marginal seats. Never has an election focused so intensely on so few, with both Labour and the Tories using geodemographic modelling.

Experian's Mosaic UK product took centre stage for both, and for the Conservatives it has been vital to the effectiveness of its Voter Vault software.

Imported from the US Republican Party the Voter Vault software classified prospective voters into nine 'V' groups indicating their propensity to vote - Tory or not. This analysis included the party's own canvassing records as well as the Mosaic data which gave vital clues about the make-up of potential voters.

For those identified as hot prospects, a gamut of direct strategies kicked in, including the phone, tailored direct mail and face-to-face visits.

But these ultra-targeted techniques did not find favour with all. Sandy Walkington, General Election communications director for the Liberal Democrat Party, warned against the use of Mosaic-based targeting.

"We have found evidence that people are receiving mail that is wildly off the mark," he says. "Packages designed for commercial use do not always work."

The Lib Dems have also critiised both Labour and the Tories for their use of automated call drives, in which an automated voice asks recipients to key in their voting intentions. Instead, the Lib Dems favoured a direct approach based upon its own knowledge, built up by local councillors in touch with the electorate.

Walkington acknowledges his Party's strength in direct marketing but adds that "ironically, we are going in another direction". With greater funding at its disposal, the Lib Dems this year embarked on its largest national ad campaign since the Party's launch. "DM will always contribute but general mass advertising can now be funded in a way that has not been possible before," says Walkington.

Little wonder then that the Lib Dems spent a mere £8,911 on direct mail in January and February this year, according to Thomson Intermedia, and £98,918 on press advertising. In comparison the Conservative Party spent £501,521 on direct mail and the Labour Party £222,077 - more in just two months than it spent on direct mail in the entire election year of 2001 (see box).

This change in focus by Labour came with the shift in how Tony Blair was used in the Party's direct contact with the electorate. EHS Brann chairman Terry Hunt, who worked on Labour's direct strategy in the 1997 elections, described the party as "losing its nerve". He says: "In 1997 Blair wrote to millions of potential voters. This year he was avoided in the Party's direct communications and it was left to local candidates to be the spokespeople."

In comparison the Conservatives had no hesitation in using Michael Howard, even leaving an automated personal message from him on voters' phones.

But despite their different approaches, few could dispute that the 2005 election saw classic DM techniques embraced more comprehensively than ever before. And that can only be a ringing endorsement of the DM industry.

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POLITICAL PARTY DIRECT MAIL SPEND

2001 2002 2003 2004 2005*

pounds pounds pounds pounds pounds

Conservative Party 1,088,741 69,345 231,188 270,988 501,521

Labour Party 170,900 58,500 111,617 72,551 222,077

Liberal Democrats 84,213 40,730 73,380 5,667 8,911

(Source: Thomson Intermedia)

* 2005 figure is for Jan-Feb